I refer to the behaviour witnessed by tourists in India who came upon large elephants tethered with very slim ropes to tiny stakes in the ground. They asked why the elephants didn’t just flex their muscles and snap the ropes or yank out the stakes. The answer was that the elephants had been staked that way ever since they were very young. They had always been confined that way and didn’t realize that they had outgrown their meagre restraints. Canadian MPs, especially members of the governing party, have long been treated in a similar manner, bound by the yoke of party discipline. Even with the new powers potentially available to them, will MPs break free of their decades of dependency and begin to assert themselves.
Among the recommendations for reform that I discuss in my latest book are several changes that are incorporated – in a limited way – in the Reform Act 2014, which recently received approval in the House of Commons. This Act began as private member’s bill from Conservative MP Michael Chong, who has been described as a “principled maverick.” Assuming that this legislation is also approved by the Senate before Parliament heads into its summer recess and a pending election, MPs will potentially have the authority to reduce the overwhelming power that party leaders have increasingly exercised. But will they take advantage of this opportunity or behave like elephants?
I refer to the behaviour witnessed by tourists in India who came upon large elephants tethered with very slim ropes to tiny stakes in the ground. They asked why the elephants didn’t just flex their muscles and snap the ropes or yank out the stakes. The answer was that the elephants had been staked that way ever since they were very young. They had always been confined that way and didn’t realize that they had outgrown their meagre restraints. Canadian MPs, especially members of the governing party, have long been treated in a similar manner, bound by the yoke of party discipline. Even with the new powers potentially available to them, will MPs break free of their decades of dependency and begin to assert themselves.
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In 2012 the federal government spent more than $30 million in a yearlong celebration of the War of 1812 (a conflict that actually lasted until the end of 1814). The government minted special coins, issued stamps, erected new monuments, and set up special museum exhibits. According to the Prime Minister, the War of 1812 helped to give shape to the Canada we know today. The Conservative Government has taken every opportunity to emphasize Canada’s proud military traditions, which are a prominent theme in the party’s rebranding of Canada. Canada will be 150 years old in 2017 and we can expect enthusiastic and prolonged birthday celebrations. If Canada’s military past is to loom large in such celebrations, let me suggest a battle that, in my view, played a critical role in shaping this country, and its government system. I refer to the Rebellion of 1837 in Upper and Lower Canada (what are now Ontario and Quebec). The accompanying photo is a scene from the Rebellion in front of Montgomery's Tavern in Toronto. It was really a minor skirmish as battles go, but it led to the introduction of the fundamental elements of Canadian democracy – and that is surely something worth celebrating. When writing my recent “In Praise of Taxes” post, I thought of using the example of Toronto, where Rob Ford was elected mayor in 2010 primarily on a promise that he would hold the line on property taxes. Even though he did increase taxes somewhat during his increasingly chaotic term, his “Ford Nation” supporters kept repeating the “holding the line on taxes” mantra as the basis for their continued support. I omitted the example on the assumption that most readers would have already heard enough about Rob Ford, but it seems that Toronto remains determined to demonstrate the folly of a low taxes philosophy.
Borrowing from Peter to pay Paul The city has announced plans to meet a shortfall in this year’s current budget primarily by “borrowing” from the capital budget. They would do this by postponing some $60 million of planned capital expenditures. The effect of this approach will be to increase the cost of proceeding with these capital projects on a delayed basis. It is about as fiscally prudent as an individual raiding savings accumulated to replace an aging car, and using this money to buy groceries. This plan does nothing but postpone tough decisions that need to be made.
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AuthorC. Richard Tindal, Ph.D is a retired Professor of Government. He taught for 30 years at St. Lawrence College, Kingston and was an occasional Visiting Professor at Queen's University. He has also written and consulted extensively about government. Archives
October 2023
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